中共不肯放過劉曉波係因其另立憲法，可為建國獨立基礎，威脅中共統治。劉曉波對香港的啟示係任何政治運動須有本經，而香港x派未有建國方略; 劉氏著作《統一就是奴役》主張中國解體，接受西方殖民三百年，尊重香港、西藏、臺灣等地住民自決，令香港的獨派有了道德根據。劉曉波、余杰、陳光誠，等義士畢竟係中國大陸人極少部份，中國共產黨其實得到絕大部份中國大陸人支持，故大中華主義者主張香港人聯合中國大陸人抗共，建設民主中國，不切實際。香港近年覺醒的人比例遠超於中國，但仍淪落至此，相信由於賣港人士同時太多及社運團體內鬥過劇。香港要自治自立，就要普及政治知識，教全民覺醒。劉曉波一介文人，只是著書立說，並無掟磚，都被中共摧殘至死，可見泛民和理非非抗爭無用，然而，主動要求永遠延續中共統治香港之權，遇到挫折就退出社運，何嘗不和理非？本土運動，反抗極權，無論獨立與否，都要靠老中青三結合，正如電影《十年》及《明月幾時有》所暗示。
劉曉波零八憲章
中共不會放過劉曉波，事關劉先生寫出了零八憲章，等於另立憲法，可作革命建國基礎。孫中山當年寫出三民主義，雖然老翻美國憲法，但始終係本經，係憲法雛型，建國藍圖，可以號召天下。八九六四，民運學生失敗，就係因為攞不出本經。伊斯蘭國亂打亂殺，但始終有本可蘭經在手做金牌。中共故恐防放了劉曉波出國，會變成第二個孫中山，在海外籌得巨款，資助中國大陸反共人士革命推翻暴政。劉曉波對香港的啟示係任何政治運動皆須有本經，而香港x派尚祭未出任何建國方略或臨時憲法。劉氏著作《統一就是奴役：劉曉波論臺灣、香港及西藏》破除中土大一統觀念，主張中國解體，「應受西方殖民三百年才能夠去除...專制文化」。
劉曉波同時尊重香港、西藏、臺灣等地住民自決，令香港x派倍添道德力量。 劉曉波《如果統一就是奴役》：「二戰後，現代文明的一條重要原則就 是「住民自決」，它是由個人自由乃天賦人權的價值觀中引申出來的，並得到最權威的國際組織聯合國承認。在此一原則下，任何統一的達成和民族衝突的解決，皆不是取決於強勢一方的武力強制，而是取決於少數民族的自願選擇。。。如果統一只能意味著強制和奴役，那就寧可不要這樣的統一。具體到兩岸關係，象臺灣這樣在事實上已經脫離大陸本土一百年的地區，能否最終回歸大陸，應該完全尊重臺灣民眾的自由選擇。」
有怎樣的民族，就有怎樣的政府
十七世紀法國哲學家萬斯特（Joseph de Maistre） 話，有怎樣的民族，就有怎樣的政府（法文“Toute nation a le gouvernement qu’elle mérite.”）（邁斯特其實反對啟蒙運動，係堅定保皇黨）。美國國父富蘭克林道: 唯有賢德的民族方能獲得自由; 貪汚陰毒的民族需要奴隸主奴役。十六世紀法國哲學家寶諦的自願臣服論（Etienne De La Boetie: Discourse on Voluntary Servitude 〔1548〕）
指出任何暴政，如無國人默許，必不能生存。「暴政摧殘人民的力量完全來自人民。人民不提供耳目，暴政如何能監視人民？如果人民不供應武器，暴政如何有武器鎮壓人民?無人民合作，暴政怎敢襲擊人民？愛因斯坦話，世界並非毀於惡事做盡的奸徒，而係毀於袖手旁觀惡發生的花生友。」歷史學家伊凡思(Richard Evans)二零一五年著作《歷史記憶中之第三帝國》引述九十年代一項調查，顯示希特拉當年得到九成德國人支持; 左翼德國歷史學家高慈·阿理（Götz Ally）總結希特拉並非靠暴力維持權力，而係靠民心。
中共其實得到中國民心
二零一三年國際學術期刋政治研究季刋登調查報告〈中國受歡迎功能--政府支持來源〉，調查人員面對面訪問了三千七百多個中國人，發現八成支持中共。二零一三年頭，德國贊助的《第六波世界價值觀調查》發現，北京政府得到七成半中國人支持。八九六四將中國歷劫殘餘的良心文人及國民剷除殆盡，此後共黨領導全國營私舞弊，上下交徵利，喪盡天良，破壞環境，預支中國未來千年資源，從而富起來，中國人民與中國共產黨形成利益共生體，水乳交融，難解難分。蘇賡哲博士話中國人民重衰共產黨。小悅悅被車連環輾，路旁的中國人都袖手旁觀，若然溫家寶見到，反而可能會伸出援手。
蘇賡哲：「事實上這二十多年來，比起毛澤東時代，中國人民得到的好處比較多，他們不在乎自己沒有選票，不在乎沒有言論自由、出版自由以至宗教信仰自由，不在乎官商勾結、權勢者化公為私，不在乎環境生態破壞、道德全面滑坡，只在乎荷包一天比一天腫脹，他們覺得這就是民主，大陸人民不以中共政權為敵，所以中共政權相當穩定，這也是中國民運一事無成的原因。民主中國不是大陸人的追求，所以不可能有任何成績。」（蘇賡哲：中共得民心論，溫哥華星島二零一六年二月二日）。
香港覺醒人口比例高仍有救
香港仍然有救，皆因香港近年覺醒人口比例高於中國。中大傳播與民意調查中心近日公布一項有逾千人參與的民調結果，支持「香港獨立」的有11.4%（舊年17.4%），逾六成受訪者認為本港社會狀況差過廿年前。港大民研計劃2017年6月19至22日，電話訪問一千零七名香港巿民，調查顯示，特首梁振英最新支持度評分為38.7分，繼續低於45分警戒線，候任特首林鄭月娥，而其最新支持率為45%（不過半），反對率為41%（反對的人多）。特區政府方面，不滿率為47%。
香港覺醒的人多了，何以香港仍淪落至此？答案係賣國賊太多，好似李國章、范徐麗泰、溫兆倫之流，而本土社運組織又內鬥不休。
十年明月幾時有
港產片《十年》中，導演安排阿婆自焚，而非後生仔。許鞍華電影《明月幾時有》葉德嫻開頭係個普通香港市民，思想普通，但求自保，個女話要去幫抗日游擊隊做特工，葉即喝止，話打蘿蔔頭，多你一個唔多，少你一個唔少，後來，葉德嫻為了保護個女，不惜代其做特務，運傳單，留低斷後，最後被捕，寧死不爆料連累抗日團隊，因而殺身成仁，象徵一代人的道德抉擇，成熟世代自我犧牲，成全年青人，頂住千斤鐵閘，畀後生仔女脫離黑暗，邁向光明。旺角騷動，青年拋頭顱，灑熱血，成熟世代未必能做到，但可以在金錢精神，經驗理論方面支援。
老中青同行
本土運動要成功，香港要重生，就要兼備後生仔女的大無畏精神，火熱心腸，以及成熟人士的老成智謀，而無老政棍的私利計算。其實，支持香港自治自立，已不單止青年，年長的，幾十年前從大陸走難來港的，經過八十年代香港盛世的，更清楚中共的本質，更清楚香港失去了甚麼，更知道香港有何選項。所以香港的未來，無論獨立與否，都需要老中青同行。請勿以為成熟人士，一定固步自封，以為從前政念一定正確，近年中共違諾干擾香港，近日甚至單方面廢除聯合聲明，隨意取消民選議員資格，已令普遍港人，不分年齡，清楚一國兩制為何物。劉曉波無掟磚都慘死，更顯和理非抗爭之不濟，自己家鄉自己救，香港人毋須對中共有任何幻想。
Liu Xiao Bo's Death and Hong Kong's Rebirth
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) would not release Liu Xiao Bo until his death, mainly because he had drafted a new "constitution" (the Charter 08 manifesto), which could form a basis for building a new independent nation, thereby posing a threat to the CCP rule. What Hongkongers can learn from Liu is that any serious political campaign needs a canon, whilst the Hong Kong independence camp does not have a nation-building plan yet. Liu Xiao Bo's work, Unification is Enslavement, advocates China's disintegration and colonization by the West for at least three hundred years. Liu respects the right of Hong Kong, Tibet, Taiwan, etc. to self-determination, thus providing the independence camp of Hong Kong with an additional moral ground.
According to reliable surveys, e.g. "A Chinese Popularity Function, Sources of Government Support" published in April, 2013 in Political Research Quarterly, the CCP in fact enjoys the support of most Mainland Chinese. According to Etienne De La Boetie's (1548) "Discourse on Voluntary Servitude" , the tyrant has "nothing more than the power that you confer upon him to destroy you. Where has he acquired enough eyes to spy upon you, if you do not provide them yourselves? How would he dare assail you if he had no cooperation from you?" Since the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, most Mainland Chinese survivors of the Cultural Revolution with a conscience have been eliminated. The great majority of the rest of the population have formed a symbiotic union with the CCP. They engage themselves in all sorts of corrupt and horrifying acts in order to make money. They unscrupulously cash in on the coming millennium's natural resources of China. Righteous human right activists, like Liu Xiao Bo, Chen Guangcheng, and Yu Jie, after all, constitute only a tiny, tiny portion of the Mainland Chinese population.
So it is impracticable to advocate that Hongkongers unite with Mainland Chinese so as to construct a democratic China in defiance of the CCP. Although the proportion of woken-up Hongkongers is much higher that of China-people, Hong Kong has still declined drastically. This is probably due to the fact that there are too many traitors to Hong Kong and that the internal struggles of the anti-CCP camp are too intense. In order for Hong Kong to achieve self-autonomy, political knowledge has to be spread widely and the entire city must wake up.
As a mere man of letters, what Liu did was just writing essays and books to express his opinions. He never threw any bricks. But still he was persecuted by the CCP to death. It can thus be seen that the pan-democrats' strategy of peaceful, rational, non-violent and non-abusive language struggle is of little use. On the other hand, isn't taking the initiative to request the CCP to permanently extend the Basic Law and withdrawing from social activism when encountered with defeat also pusillanimous and futile?
The localist movement and resistance of tyranny, whether aiming at independence or not, require the older and the younger generations to unite together, as shown by Kiwi Chow's (2016) localist movie, Ten Years, and Ann Hui's (2017) film, Our Time will Come. In the former, a elderly lady burns herself in order to protest China's ruthless oppression of Hongkongers. In the latter, during the occupation of Hong Kong by Japan in the 1940s, a senile mother takes the place of her daughter in smuggling leaflets for the anti-Japs guerrillas. When she is caught by the Japanese gendarmerie, she remains silent under torture, in order to protect her comrades. She is then executed. Many critics and audience interpret Japanese colonization of Hong Kong as symbolizing China's recolonization of Hong Kong. And the author of this article thinks that the senile mother represents the more mature generation of Hong Kong making up their mind to sacrifice themselves for the sake of the younger generation, in the face of increasing pressure from Beijing. In a word, with the Hong Kong communist government arbitrarily disqualifying dissident law-makers and with China disavowing the Sino-British Joint Declaration, the salvation of Hong Kong relies on an organic combination of the passion and momentum of the young and the experience, wisdom and finance of the mature.