國際

轉載:徵求聯署:獨裁政權記憶猶新的亞洲學者共同宣言

編按:南韓大選將至,當地民間社會普遍認為前軍事獨裁領䄂朴正熙的女兒朴槿惠,代表著獨裁政治的復辟。自80年代以來,南韓的民主化,與菲律賓、台灣與印尼等地的民主運動互相牽引,故此,南韓的「為了民主化的全國教授協會(簡稱民教協)」National Association of Professors for Democracy (NAPD)發起了亞洲區的學者聯署,希望表達團結阻止獨裁的重臨,及捍衞民主的決心。

聯署聲明全文如下(請以文末英文版為準):
聯署者請電郵致「民教協(NAPD)國際團結」委員長李大勳 ([email protected])

今年12月份在亞洲將有一場對民主發展舉足輕重的重要選舉,在南韓進行。這場選舉是要選出一位新的總統,而其政治後效不單止會影響到南韓民主化,更關係到亞洲其他地區的民主發展。

這是因為是次韓國選舉中,其中一名代表保守執政黨的總統候選人,正是臭名遠播的獨裁者朴正熙的女兒朴槿惠,這位獨裁者,以透過軍事政變掌權,並於其在位18年間,實行殘酷鐵腕統治。而朴槿惠不單是獨裁者的女兒,更在其母親去世後,以「第一夫人」的姿態在其父親左右。她之所以成為總統候選人,是以父親之名鼓動選民,說要恢復其父親光榮的傳統。她成為那些嚮往朴正熙式專制主義的寡頭政治陣型的選擇。

南韓的政局跟其他亞洲國家的權二代不一樣,那些地區的權力繼承被視為理所當然,然而在南韓因為自1987年以來,自下而上的民主運動,民眾對政治權力的繼承很反感,人們不在容許家族政權和金錢政治的後代們輕鬆走上政治舞台。對於前總統的子女進行經商和政治活動有著嚴格的法律審查,嚴格到甚至會受到處罰的程度。

對朴正熙政權及其獨裁統治記憶猶新的亞洲學者們,關注當前發生在韓國總統選舉的陰霾,及其對民主發展的惡劣影響。我們了解到在朴正熙獨裁時期政治接連動盪不安,南韓人民所受到的壓迫,與日本帝國主義時期的專制暴力相似,與朴槿惠親信們的美化的故事剛好相反。

60-70年代,南韓經歷一場悲劇。亞洲和全世界的人們目擊一個由前日本軍官朴正熙一手造成的體制,當時無辜的民眾和在野黨人士不斷遭受綁架,監禁,拷問,威脅,洗腦等嚴重暴力。韓國社會在腐敗和獨裁政治下迅速墮落,整個國家變成一座巨大兵營。我們這記憶,在當時是一個衝擊,一個警號,隨後,這記憶變成大家一起行動和追求民主的共同基礎。我們有幸看到韓國人民激烈反抗,自下而上的拉倒軍事獨裁的民主化進程。我們則在自已的國家為建設民主而努力,民主運動在菲律賓,台灣,印度尼西亞等地遍地開花,互相啓發,在亞洲掀起了巨大的民主化浪潮。

韓國舊獨裁者的繼承人在10年民主政治制度建設後,可能成為總統,意味著保守勢力的重臨。亞洲的民主進程雖然有一定成就,然而整體來說卻因為沒有清算過去寡頭政治力量及傳統,而使民主制度變得非常不穩定。若韓國舊獨裁者的繼承人重新成為總統,代表著對自下而上民主化的否定,以及新舊寡頭壟斷勢力的捲土重來。

正如民主化在亞洲地區有跨地域的效應,寡頭力量亦有相類似的效果。在區域性經濟和政局不穩的情況下,很多國家視專制政治為一種解藥,使寡頭力量復辟的情況更令人擔心。

我們仍然記得過去亞洲地區的軍事獨裁,曾為了合理化其鎮壓的正當性而誇大安全威脅,藉以擴充軍隊和實踐軍事主義。同時把國內的異議聲音等同對國家安全的威脅,用盡方法動員一些威嚇公民的非法暴力,其目的只為壟斷權力、財富和媒體,使人們的生活陷入水深火熱之中。這段記憶使我們意覺到南韓獨裁寡頭勢力的死而復生,及對獨裁統治的眷戀,對整個南韓、以至亞洲的未來發展,均是不祥之兆。

我們雖然相信大部份的韓國民眾會積極抵制這種獨裁勢力的復辟,但是我們也不得不對獨裁寡頭家族的繼承人竟然有機會成為國家領導表示關注和擔憂。這是因為我們對於南韓民眾自1987年6月開始的民主運動非常重視,這場抗爭促成了強大的全國人權委員會成立,以轉型正義的程序,清算國家暴力,還受害者公道。

我們亦明白到那10年的民主政府統治,諷刺地帶來了保守的「李明博政府」,這是由於民主化的十年沒有充份處理經濟上的貧富兩極和失業問題,收入分配不均日益惡化,非正規職位大增,以及隨之而來的社會經濟問題。保守政府如南韓的李明博政權,往往喜歡高舉增長與競爭為先的綱領,使人回想起舊有發展主義時期所造就苦難,民眾的生活每下越況。

有鑑及此,我們希望南韓的民眾會把選票投經一個會帶來希望的民主制度,因為這次投票,不單止為了南韓,也為了其他亞洲地區渴望民主的朋友。我們相信這跨越國界、對民主發展的關注,是對成就人民公義的一小步,亦是亞洲地區民眾團結爭民主的決心。我們希望大家能支持這聲明,使亞洲能遠離這個以危機之名進行壓迫的交易,阻止獨裁政權的復活。

倡議團體:為了民主化的全國教授協會

聯署人:曺喜昖,李都欽,全光熙,崔泳泰,金圭種

英文版全文:

A highly important election will be held in December in a country in Asia, known for its exemplary democratization, South Korea. This election, to elect a new President in a presidential polity, is likely to serve a significant testing ground for the future of democratization not only in South Korea, but in Asia as well.

It is because the prominent presidential candidate of the conservative ruling party is none other than the daughter and heir of the late Park Jung-hee, the notorious dictator who took power by military coup and ruled the country with iron-fist control for 18 years. Park Geun-hye played not only the privileged daughter role of the dictator but acted as de facto first lady after her mother died. She won her way to the presidential candidacy through appealing the voters with the successes of Park’s regime and calling for restoration of its honor. She thus became the choice of oligarchic political forces who share the nostalgia of the authoritarianism that is Park Jung-hee.

This is very exceptional in South Korea, compared to many countries in Asia where the second generation of powerful families often access to power as a matter of given. Because in South Korea there has been strong people’s awareness against inheritance of political power since the 1987’s start of democratization from below, such a familiar tradition has failed to gain ground. On the contrary, the children of the two previous Presidents had to go through severe legal and public scrutiny and punishment for their business of political involvement.

We, intellectuals in Asia who clearly remember the terror rule of Park Jung-hee and his Yushin dictatorship, think that what is newly happening in the coming election in South Korea lays dark cloud over the future of democracy. Contrary to the beautified stories that Park’s followers make and spread, the days of Park’s dictatorship was series of political crisis and Korean people had to suffer from totalitarian control and state violence that resembled the days of the Japanese colonial rule.

1960s and 70s of South Korea was a tragedy. People in Asia and the world witnessed the great violence created by the regime set up by a former Japanese military officer, Park Jung-hee, as innocent citizens, students and opposition leaders were put to kidnapping, illegal detention, ruthless torture, threatening and brain-washing. We still remember how South Korea was decaying from rampant corruption and closed-door politics, and how the whole society turned into a mega military camp. What we remember now was, at that time, a shock and warning, and later the ground for us to come and act together for democracy. However, we were fortunate to witness, afterwards, the great potential of the Korean people with which they eventually removed military dictators from power and creating a democracy from below. And we worked together to create our own democracy in our own
countries. Similar upheavals of people in the Philippines, Taiwan, Indonesia and elsewhere converged and inspired each other in a Asian wave of democratization.

The possibility of dictator’s heir becoming President in South Korea after 10 short years of democratic governments means more than a successful roll-back of conservative forces in the country. Despite great achievements, democracies in Korea and in Asia in general are incomplete and unstable democracies not able to clear up the legacy of old oligarchic political forces in each country. If a second-generation takes the power thanks to such a legacy in South Korea, it would signal denial of all that has been achieved by democratization from below and a fanfare come-back of oligarchic-monopolistic forces.

Just as democratization by people’s power had cross-border impact, in Asia, an all-out come-back of oligarchic forces will also have equally spreading cross-border impact. This is more worrisome than before, because economic crisis and political instability that many countries face today may easily find authoritarian come-back as a cure, spreading cure.

It is a vivid record of the history that past military regimes in Asia, seeking ways of justifying their oppressive rule, exaggerated security threats, expanded the military and militarism, equated domestic dissident views as national threats, and mobilized illegal ways of exercising violence against citizens, only to monopolize power, wealth and media into a few hands. The result was devastation of safety and basic livelihood of common people. This remembrance makes us look at the come-back of oligarchic forces in South Korea in nostalgia of late dictator as an ominous sign for the future of South Korea as well as in Asia.

We strongly believe, though, majority of people in South Korea will stand to stop this come-back. Our expressed concern comes from the shock that even a close come-back is possible in a country like South Korea. It is also to make it clear and visionary that heirs of Yushin dictatorship do not turn on a green light for oligarchic forces elsewhere. We believe our cross-border concern for democracy is a small step for genuine justice of people as well as a mutual support for continued development of democracy in Asia. We also appeal everyone to join this statement so that we can envision and create ‘Asia’ away from the dangerous liaison of crisis and oppression...

NAPD 82-2-885-3680
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