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曾蔭權在淫審制度改革的一盤棋

近來天天打YOUTUBE言論審查,可能有人會以為我才關心無神論者的議題,而不理香港社會的大事,我不是不關心「家暴條例」的鬧劇,不過我更關心的是「網絡廿三條」的立法問題,因為依中共的盤算「網絡廿三條」之後是以澳門為例子的廿三條,一切都是為親建派度身訂做最有利的選舉環境,中共不怕為23條再換一次特首,反正再上台的都只是它的傀儡!

到底曾蔭權想做乜?它明知類似的建議,在經歷陳冠希一役,一定會令自由派,泛民主派及一般網民很反感,於是又重現泛民主對親建制派大吵一場的戲碼,還給社民運一個爭取民心的機會,然後會不會它搏四大皆空,即泛民主及親建制派兩派的修訂動議都被否決,原條通過?

還是它一開始開天索價,提出連它自己都感到離譜(如要求ISP預早過濾連成人都不宜的內容),然後落地還錢(如強制ISP提供內容分級),因為一開始時訂定太離譜,所以中間才是它想要的目標;幾經泛民主派/自由派努力「爭取」,才中間着墨,如此一來,就一舉兩得,又給人從善如流的印象。

甚至像普選一樣,其實它目標就是利用左右派不和來令文件被否決,如此一來就可以保持現狀,讓基督右派繼續壟斷淫審標準,還有籍口推到社會「沒有共識」,所以一動不如一靜, 是香港人自己唔生性,唔關政府事;代價是香港社會更分化,當然這是下一任特首的事了。

如此的局勢下去,再加上經濟不景,香港尚可以等到2017嗎?

Now I had been busy waging war against YOUTUBE’s indecent censorship of Atheist video(Bible animation), maybe it would tempt some of you to think I care only about the right and interest of atheist. Actually, how can I not aware of the pointless dispute in domestic violence ordinance waged by self-righteous Christian Right, but the acute concern is about HKSAR’s consultation paper on reforming(strengthening) censorship, or the so-called Article 23 of the Internet.It is trivial to see what Communist China’s plan in mind: First, Article 23 of the Internet; then copy the Article 23 from Macau, and lastly the Universal Suffrage completely under Communist China’s control. That is to tilt the playing field to the favor of Chinese Communist’s favor, namely DAB. This assignment either to be done by Donald Tseung, or the one replace him as the puppet head of HKSAR.

What is the game plan of Donald Tseung?
We can’t assume that HKSAR doesn’t know that such a proposal of strengthening censorship bodies would met with fierce opposition from liberals and Netizens, giving Pro-Democratic politician a handy cause to relay support after Edison Chen’s scandal.So the same storyline once again, BIG battle between Pro-Democratic and Pro-Beijing political parties; which giving another chance for the rising star of Pro-Democratic camp: League of Social Democrat to bring the battle to the footstep of conservative politician’s door literally. At the battle field of Legislative Council, what Donald Tseung is looking at the logical consequence of blood fight: All proposal to slightly change the government’s proposal are shut down by partisanship, allowing the original proposed reform of censorship passed.

Or what Donald Tseung’s strategy is making the demand of the strengthening the censorship system so high that he don’t expect that to be truly implemented. He would then pretend to give it to the demand of Pro-Democratic parties and liberal in the middle, which is what original expected, so he is playing ‘hard to get’. Since the opening demand is so high: ISP filter the content before it reach any Netizen, when yield to the middle by ‘public pressure’ already fulfill his goal(like mandate filtering software for each parent demanded from ISP), then later Communist China can work behind the door with the software manufacture by expanding the keyword list. If this play well, his rating may boost despite a crack is already placed in the liberality of HKSAR.

The last case scenario is a familiar one just like Article 23. When he start the consultation of reforming the censorship system, what he expect is a dogfight by left and right so the proposal end up rejected. Such a would further deepen the wound between left and right, but the consequence would be the trouble of predecessor and Communist China, so it is not his concern. He satisfy the demand of Communist China by left the existing censorship system that is tilted to the favor of conservative intact, he step further to remain in the status quo.

This is the troublesome reality which HK is looking at. By simple logical extrapolation, Universal Suffrage can’t wait until 2012 or 2017 if it is to be implemented by HKSAR under Communist China’s rule.